The Conscience of a Liberal
Paul Krugman
Language: English
Pages: 352
ISBN: 0393333132
Format: PDF / Kindle (mobi) / ePub
"The most consistent and courageous―and unapologetic―liberal partisan in American journalism." ―Michael Tomasky, New York Review of Books
In this "clear, provocative" (Boston Globe) New York Times bestseller, Paul Krugman, today's most widely read economist, examines the past eighty years of American history, from the reforms that tamed the harsh inequality of the Gilded Age and the 1920s to the unraveling of that achievement and the reemergence of immense economic and political inequality since the 1970s. Seeking to understand both what happened to middle-class America and what it will take to achieve a "new New Deal," Krugman has created his finest book to date, a "stimulating manifesto" offering "a compelling historical defense of liberalism and a clarion call for Americans to retake control of their economic destiny" (Publishers Weekly).
"As Democrats seek a rationale not merely for returning to power, but for fundamentally changing―or changing back―the relationship between America's government and its citizens, Mr. Krugman's arguments will prove vital in the months and years ahead." ―Peter Beinart, New York Times
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Moynihan put it, the best use of social science is to refute false social science.” One guesses that it all depends on the use to which false social science is put. Nixon and the Great Transition Ronald Reagan’s 1966 California campaign marked the first great electoral success for movement conservatism. Reagan’s achievement was, however, overshadowed by the rise of Richard Nixon to the presidency, and his landslide victory in 1972. Nixon’s success, however, can’t be regarded as a triumph for.
CAP that play a significant role in policy debate, such as the Center on Budget and Policy Priorities and the Economic Policy Institute. In terms of funding and manpower, however, these organizations are minnows compared with the movement conservative whales. The proliferation of movement conservative think tanks since the 1970s means that it’s possible for a movement intellectual to make quite a good living by espousing certain positions. There’s a price to be paid—as Bruce Bartlett discovered,.
All, economic discontent got Bill Clinton elected in 1992, but when he tried to push through health care reform—which, as I’ll argue at length in chapter 11, has to be the centerpiece of any progressive reform agenda—he failed utterly. This legislative defeat was followed by electoral defeat, in the 1994 rout that put Republicans in control of Congress. This raises the question of whether history will repeat itself. There are, however, several reasons to think that it won’t, or at least doesn’t.
But that’s a peculiar example to choose, because most hip replacements in America are paid for by Medicare. Now, Medicare is a government program, although it’s not clear if everyone knows that—health policy experts often repeat the story of how former Senator John Breaux was accosted by a constituent who urged him not to let the government get its hands on Medicare. The point, however, is that the hip-replacement gap is a comparison of two government insurance systems, with the U.S. system more.
Himself over in the image of William Jennings Bryan…. He deferred to the religious passions of the Bible belt. He even adopted a cautious agnosticism toward the Ku Klux Klan.” Indeed the convention rejected—by one vote—a motion to include a denunciation of the Klan in its platform.9 In the end neither Smith nor McAdoo won the nomination, which went instead to a compromise candidate, John W. Davis of West Virginia. The vice-presidential nomination went to William Jennings Bryan’s younger brother.