The Weimar Republic 1919-1933 (Lancaster Pamphlets)
Language: English
Pages: 112
ISBN: 0415132843
Format: PDF / Kindle (mobi) / ePub
This book represents a much-needed reappraisal of Germany between the wars, examining the political, social and economic aims of the new republic, their failure and how they led to Nazism and eventually the Second World War. The author includes:
* an examination of the legacy of the First World War and the Treaty of Versailles
* discussion of the early years of crisis culminating in the Ruhr Invasion and the Dawes Settlement
* assessment of the leadership of Stresemann and Bruning
* exploration of the circumstances leading to the rise of Hitler
* an outline of the historiography of the Weimar Republic.
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Denounce it as a ‘Jewish rag’. Not only did the Weimar Republic face an uphill battle in establishing its political legitimacy, but it also had to contend with the economic legacy of the war. There was no possibility of economic growth for many years to come. Instead, debts would have to be paid back and difficult economic choices would have to be faced. If the welfare provisions of the constitution were to be honoured, and poorer members of society were to gain a greater share of wealth, then.
All parties except the Independent SPD spokesman who favoured accepting the ter ms since ‘world revolution’ was already on the march and would hopefully overturn the entire political order before too long. As German constitutional and economic experts produced a series of notes denouncing specific provisions, Brockdorff-Rantzau ensured that these were immediately made available to the press. His goal was to enlist the support of liberal and left-wing forces, particularly in the former enemy.
March 1918, or as the settlement the German High Command themselves contemplated imposing on the enemy. Germany was deprived of about 13 1/2 per cent of her territory (including Alsace-Lorraine), about 13 per cent of her economic productivity and just over 10 per cent of her population. The most serious loss was 74 per cent of her iron ore, 41 per cent of her pig iron supplies and a quarter of her coal mines. Yet she remained a formidably strong economic power, despite the crippling costs of.
Weimar democracy was putting down strong roots. It was tolerated, for want of anything better, but it did not seem capable either of mobilising traditional loyalties or of attracting new ones, particularly from young, first-time voters, as we shall see. Its weakness remained that it was based on a series of political, economic and social compromises, and one by one these were all in the process of breaking down by 1928. Stresemann’s foreign policy The position of the Weimar Republic in the mid.
Support had peaked and that they were now declining rapidly as a as a political force? If this was a possibility, it was one which worried many Catholic Centre and right-wing leaders as they witnessed the continuing rise of the ‘Bolshevik peril’. Around one-sixth of the electorate had supported the Communist Party, whose vote was heavily concentrated in the major industrial areas and in Berlin. To counter this subversive political force, party leaders from the Centre Party across to the right of.