The Case For Democracy: The Power of Freedom to Overcome Tyranny and Terror

The Case For Democracy: The Power of Freedom to Overcome Tyranny and Terror

Natan Sharansky, Ron Dermer

Language: English

Pages: 212

ISBN: B01JXTPYAO

Format: PDF / Kindle (mobi) / ePub


Natan Sharansky believes that the truest expression of democracy is the ability to stand in the middle of a town square and express one's views without fear of imprisonment. He should know. A dissident in the USSR, Sharansky was jailed for nine years for challenging Soviet policies. During that time he reinforced his moral conviction that democracy is essential to both protecting human rights and maintaining global peace and security.

Sharansky was catapulted onto the Israeli political stage in 1996. In the last eight years, he has served as a minister in four different Israeli cabinets, including a stint as Deputy Prime Minister, playing a key role in government decision making from the peace negotiations at Wye to the war against Palestinian terror. In his views, he has been as consistent as he has been stubborn: Tyranny, whether in the Soviet Union or the Middle East, must always be made to bow before democracy.

Drawing on a lifetime of experience of democracy and its absence, Sharansky believes that only democracy can safeguard the well-being of societies. For Sharansky, when it comes to democracy, politics is not a matter of left and right, but right and wrong.

This is a passionately argued book from a man who carries supreme moral authority to make the case he does here: that the spread of democracy everywhere is not only possible, but also essential to the survival of our civilization. His argument is sure to stir controversy on all sides; this is arguably the great issue of our times.

Why Are We The Good Guys?: Reclaiming Your Mind From The Delusions Of Propaganda

Spying on Democracy: Government Surveillance, Corporate Power, and Public Resistance

Making Things Public: Atmospheres of Democracy

They Know Everything About You: How Data-Collecting Corporations and Snooping Government Agencies Are Destroying Democracy

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

Europe .17 Not surprisingly, few people in those years believed a democratic transformation of Japan was possible. Employing arguments that will sound familiar to those who follow the contemporary debate about whether democracy can spread to the Middle East, many experts at the time were certain that Japanese civilization would prove inimical to democratic life. Here is what one of those experts wrote in Foreign Affairs in 1941:We should be deceiving ourselves if we thought that the present day.

Understandable. But it was misplaced nonetheless. What the Iraqi elections showed was that a democratic Iraq was possible, not that it was inevitable. Yet the president’s critics, who are now more certain of their skepticism than ever, would be wise to remember those purpled fingers. For while those who supported the Bush Doctrine were wrong to assume last year that the difficult days were behind them, the critics are even more wrong today when they assume that the project to build a democratic.

And human rights, when it comes to foreign affairs they are likely to follow the advice of U.S. President John Quincy Adams, who admonished his nation in 1821 not to go abroad “in search of monsters to destroy.” America, Adams maintained, should be a “well-wisher to the freedom and independence of all,” but “champion and vindicator only of her own.”1 Of course, not all diplomats are realists. Some believe that in addition to the pursuit of national interests, moral principles should also play an.

Coalition negotiations, our party again brought up the question of Palestinian democracy and human rights. Barak’s representatives were even more dumbfounded than Bibi’s representatives had been three years earlier. After serving as a member of Netanyahu’s government, most Israelis had pigeonholed me as a “Right-wing” minister, a label which suggested to many on the Left that I was not overly concerned about Palestinian rights. Barak, the “Left-wing” prime minister, refused to put the democracy.

Confronting all those engaged in terror and to ensure the “dismantlement of terrorist capabilities and infrastructure.” Instead, Abu Mazen tried to negotiate a “hudna,” a temporary truce in which all the terror groups would agree to halt violence. The idea of a temporary truce was certainly not new. In fact, it is exactly how many PLO leaders, including Arafat, saw Oslo from the start. In 1994, speaking at a mosque in Johannesburg, South Africa, Arafat said that he considered the Oslo agreement.

Download sample

Download