Revolt on the Right: Explaining Support for the Radical Right in Britain (Extremism and Democracy)
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Winner of the Political Book of the Year Award 2015
The UK Independence Party (UKIP) is the most significant new party in British politics for a generation. In recent years UKIP and their charismatic leader Nigel Farage have captivated British politics, media and voters. Yet both the party and the roots of its support remain poorly understood. Where has this political revolt come from? Who is supporting them, and why? How are UKIP attempting to win over voters? And how far can their insurgency against the main parties go? Drawing on a wealth of new data – from surveys of UKIP voters to extensive interviews with party insiders – in this book prominent political scientists Robert Ford and Matthew Goodwin put UKIP's revolt under the microscope and show how many conventional wisdoms about the party and the radical right are wrong. Along the way they provide unprecedented insight into this new revolt, and deliver some crucial messages for those with an interest in the state of British politics, the radical right in Europe and political behaviour more generally.
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Deployed by more successful challengers in British politics, as Farage recalled: ‘I said, “We are going to do this properly. We are going to take an office in the high street. We are going to pick a candidate that actually wants to try. We are going to spend some money. We are going to do some public research. We are going to have a serious crack at this.’” They stood a high profile, experienced and resourceful candidate, their deputy leader Paul Nuttall, a native son of the North-West, and.
Class basis of party support’, British Journal of Political Science, 42 (1): 137–61. 5 Robert Ford and Matthew J. Goodwin (2010) ‘ Angry white men: Individual and contextual predictors of support for the British National Party’, Political Studies, 58 (1): 1–25; Matthew J. Goodwin (2011) New British Fascism: Rise of the British National Party, Abingdon: Routledge. 6 John McTernan (2013) ‘The left has to get politically tough on Labour migration’. Available online:.
Political top fight was drawn largely from the young, highly educated middle-class section of society, which as we have seen was most open to immigration and most comfortable with diversity. The social divide that had opened up over the previous decades now found a specific political expression, as many Labour activists and politicians failed to give sufficient weight to concerns about these issues among their older working-class voters, which were often seen as expressions of ignorance and.
The main parties face a potential problem from UKIP competition when voters dislike their leaders, this problem is most acute for the Conservatives. Eurosceptics do not have to despise the Conservatives’ leader to defect to UKIP; even those giving him a lukewarm four out of ten are willing to switch in large numbers. FIGURE 5.6 Views of party leaders and UKIP support, 2004–2013 The overall relationship glosses over two important distinctions, however. First, all the parties have changed leader.
The 2008–13 data for this overall analysis, as the question about financial crisis performance only began in 2008. The overall pattern of effects for the other five issues is largely the same if we use the full 2004–13 dataset. 35 The CMS asks about asylum rather than immigration, as asylum was more politically salient when the survey first began and the investigators were reluctant to change the question wording. We treat this measure as a proxy for more general immigration attitudes, for three.