Hitler's Social Revolution; Class and Status in Nazi Germany, 1933-1939
Language: English
Pages: 0
ISBN: B000HHPTO8
Format: PDF / Kindle (mobi) / ePub
"Two decades since its fall and over three since its rise, we know much about the Third Reich. The careers and personalities of its leaders have been reviewed at length. Its foreign policy, military operations, ideology, institutions, press, economy, and art, schools and universities, its conduct of justice and mass extermination-all have captured the historical imagination, all been analyzed and reported in detail. In turn, they have been subsumed in the common denominators of totalitarianism and fascism. What remains is more detail. The odds are against a documentary Rosetta stone, capable by itself of casting new and pervasive light on what till now has been unrelieved darkness. Despite all we know, a lot remains to be understood. The Third Reich was the closest approximation to date of those "last days of mankind" that Karl Kraus had already anticipated a decade before Adolf Hitler's appointment as Reichskanzler. This is presumably self-evident to all but the ignorant or the willful, and acceptable to Germans and non-Germans, East and West alike. But how it happened, why it happened, what it specifically meant to those to whom it happened-these are matters of understanding. They are no less matters of controversy..."
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Special-interest parties. Marburg on the Lahn, where support for anti-Semitism in the ’90s, for the radical liberalism of Friedrich Naumann in the years before the war, and for the bourgeois triad of DDP, DVP, and DNVP in the early ’20s turned into Nazi support well above the Reich average from 1930 on, is an ideal case of the social-political continuity the Nazis drew on. Between 1928 and 1932 the Wirtschaftspartei lost 93 per cent of its voters. In 1932, as Lipset writes, the ideal type of the.
Precluded the “band of brothers” solidarity implied by the intimate pronoun. Strasser thought it might also indicate that party members found one another basically unpleasant. Interview with author. 150 National Archives Microcopy, T 81, Roll 1, frames 11441–3; letter of 20 September 1932. 151 Brenner, op. cit., pp. 24 f., 30 f. 152 Ernst-August Roloff, Bürgertum und Nationalsozialismus, Hanover, 1961, pp. 115, 27, 65–76. The Nazis elected in Brunswick included a tax official, a farmer, a.
Anarchic combination of momentary political objectives, institutional vested interests, and programmatic slogans. This combination was indeed politically anti-labor in the sense that labor ceased to be an organized political interest. The pressure to Gleichschaltung—the pressure toward political monopoly before which all parties, all interest groups, fraternal organizations, church groups, and even Boy Scouts bowed—necessarily had its effect on labor parties and labor unions. But in the economic.
1936 obliged employers to report to the labor exchanges any building and metalworkers who were presently employed by them in positions other than those for which they had been trained, and who were thus being held in reserve while unskilled workers were being fired. Similar measures were applied to masons and carpenters in October 1937.67 A general step toward total labor regimentation was the introduction of labor passes (Arbeitsbücher) in early 1935. The object was total statistical.
Old one. In the meantime, the regime took steps to overcome the labor deficit with women and with the marginally self-employed.74 With an eye to the future, the regime also began, as early as 1935, to take steps regulating the distribution and development of industrial skills. The president of the Reich Institute assumed responsibility for maintaining a high rate of apprentices to trained labor in important industries, and employers were obliged to register both their employment figures and.