Gordon Brown: Prime Minister (Text Only)
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The gripping inside story of Gordon Brown’s rise to become Prime Minister.
Gordon Brown’s arrival at the Treasury in May 1997 was greeted with great excitement – not to mention anticipation. Officials of every rank looked on expectantly to see what miracles the chancellor would work. And so, as Master of the New Era, Brown created relationships across every Whitehall department and extended his influence to every aspect of government. He brought into effect the most important budgetary changes of the past decade: the commitment to Private Finance Initiative, which altered infrastructure from the London Underground to the NHS and state schools; the management of the Inland Revenue; the increase in taxes; and the demise of Britain’s pension funds.
In this gripping and fully updated biography, reissued to coincide with Brown’s assumption of Tony Blair’s mantle, best-selling author Tom Bower documents the rise to power of a driven and complex politician, and exposes how the ambitions of the Labour Party’s leader-in-waiting will affect the country for decades to come.
Apparently unaware of the sharp differences between the savings culture in America and Britain. Both were propelled by a visceral dislike of the middle classes in southern England benefiting from tax incentives on their savings. If the level of savings fell, both believed, only the rich would suffer. Their proposed replacement was Individual Savings Accounts (ISAs), with a top limit of £50,000 compared to PEPs, which had no upper limit. ISAs, under the plan approved by Brown, were designed.
Time we had an end to that Old Britain when what matters to some people is the privileges you were born with rather than the potential you actually have.’ The public’s reaction pleased Brown. To the uninformed, his stereotype was credible. He was readily supported by Alastair Campbell, the Oxford-educated Downing Street spokesman, on behalf of the Oxford-educated prime minister. The fact that all eight senior officials advising Brown in the Treasury also went to Oxbridge was not interpreted as an.
Too right wing, but the chancellor could not ignore the submissions by Carey Oppenheim, a talented official seeking to analyse the consequences of his indifference to the pensions crisis, which had not existed before 1997. Over the next weeks Brown forbade officials at the Treasury and the Inland Revenue to provide information to the prime minister’s office. Scott called on Brown, and warned him, ‘Your plans are financially unsustainable.’ Brown exploded, accusing Scott of interference. Blair.
Asserted that Blair had reneged on various oral promises of the succession. Although there were serious questions about whether Blair was ever quite so blatant, there was little doubt that the prime minister enjoyed assuaging his colleague’s angst and jealousies by assurances and mannerisms contrived to be wrongly construed. Brown’s reaction to those slights, and Blair’s opposition to his policies since 1997, was fierce. Too gleefully, Brown demonstrated that he regarded the prime minister as.
To the Far East in 1993 reinforced his conviction to discard other Labour sacred cows. Britain, he realised, could not compete with China on the cost of production, but only on the quality of the products. To beat the Pacific Rim required a skilled British workforce. ‘Capital’, demonised over the previous century by socialists, was a worthless target, he decided. The buzz words of his new Labour creed were ‘human capital’ and ‘knowledge corporations’. ‘Their lessons must be applied here,’ he.